{"id":23224,"date":"2004-01-23T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2004-01-22T18:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.legalindia.com\/judgments\/union-of-india-vs-naveen-jindal-anr-on-23-january-2004"},"modified":"2016-11-13T07:15:08","modified_gmt":"2016-11-13T01:45:08","slug":"union-of-india-vs-naveen-jindal-anr-on-23-january-2004","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.legalindia.com\/judgments\/union-of-india-vs-naveen-jindal-anr-on-23-january-2004","title":{"rendered":"Union Of India vs Naveen Jindal &amp; Anr on 23 January, 2004"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"docsource_main\">Supreme Court of India<\/div>\n<div class=\"doc_title\">Union Of India vs Naveen Jindal &amp; Anr on 23 January, 2004<\/div>\n<div class=\"doc_author\">Author: V K I.<\/div>\n<div class=\"doc_bench\">Bench: Cji, Brijesh Kumar, S.B. Sinha<\/div>\n<pre>           CASE NO.:\nAppeal (civil)  2920 of 1996\n\nPETITIONER:\nUnion of India \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\nRESPONDENT:\nNaveen Jindal &amp; Anr.\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\nDATE OF JUDGMENT: 23\/01\/2004\n\nBENCH:\nCJI, Brijesh Kumar &amp; S.B. Sinha \n\nJUDGMENT:\n<\/pre>\n<p>J U D G M E N T<br \/>\nWith <\/p>\n<p>SPECIAL LEAVE PETITON (C) NO.15849 OF 1994<\/p>\n<p>V.N. KHARE,C.J.I.\n<\/p>\n<p>In this appeal a short but an important question that arises for<br \/>\nconsideration is whether the right to fly the National Flag by Indian citizen is<br \/>\na fundamental right within the meaning of Article 19(1)(a) of the<br \/>\nConstitution of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>Naveen Jindal, the respondent herein, is a Joint Managing Director of<br \/>\na public limited company incorporated under the Companies Act.He being in<br \/>\ncharge of the factory of the said Company situated at Raigarh in Madhya<br \/>\nPradesh was flying National Flag at the office premises of his factory.  He<br \/>\nwas not allowed to do so by the Government officials on the ground that the<br \/>\nsame is impermissible under the Flag Code of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tQuestioning the said action, the respondent filed a writ petition before<br \/>\nthe High Court, inter alia, on the ground that no law could prohibit flying of<br \/>\nNational Flag by Indian citizens.  Flying of National Flag with respect and<br \/>\ndignity being a fundamental right, the Flag Code which contains only<br \/>\nexecutive instructions of the Government of India and, thus, being not a law,<br \/>\ncannot be considered to have imposed  reasonable restrictions in respect<br \/>\nthereof within the meaning of clause (2) of Article 19 of the Constitution of<br \/>\nIndia.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tBefore the High Court, the Appellant-Union of India  raised the<br \/>\nfollowing contentions :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;1. That the Central Government is authorised to<br \/>\nimpose restrictions on the use of National Flag at<br \/>\nany public place or building and can regulate the<br \/>\nsame by the authority vested in it under Section 3<br \/>\nof the Emblems and Names (Prevention of<br \/>\nImproper Use) Act, 1950;\n<\/p>\n<p>2.  That the restriction imposed by the Act and<br \/>\norders issued by the Government are<br \/>\nconstitutionally valid being reasonable restrictions<br \/>\non the Freedom of Speech and Expression under<br \/>\nArticle 19(2) of the Constitution.\n<\/p>\n<p>3.  That the question of permitting free use of<br \/>\nNational Flag or to restrict its use is a matter of<br \/>\npolicy option available to the Parliament and to the<br \/>\nGovernment.  Since it is a policy option<br \/>\nconstitutionally permissible, the courts ought not<br \/>\nto interfere with the same.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>The High Court after hearing the matter  held : (1) The question as to<br \/>\nwhether the provisions of the Emblems and Names (Prevention of Improper<br \/>\nUse) Act, 1950 (hereinafter referred to as &#8216;the 1950 Act&#8217;, for the sake of<br \/>\nbrevity) have been violated or not is a matter which would fall for<br \/>\ndetermination of the court of law and not by the executive; (2) The<br \/>\nrestrictions imposed by the Flag Code on flying the National Flag being not<br \/>\nlaw within the meaning clause (2) of Article 19 of the Constitution of India,<br \/>\nthe same cannot be construed to be a penal provision; (3)However, if<br \/>\ncontravention of any of those instructions and guidelines had been issued<br \/>\nunder the 1950 Act or under the Prevention of Insults to National Honour<br \/>\nAct, 1971 (hereinafter referred to as &#8216;the 1971 Act&#8217;), the same would<br \/>\nconstitute a penal offence; (4) Referring to the debates held in the<br \/>\nConstituent Assembly as also a passage from the book titled &#8216;Our National<br \/>\nFlag&#8217; by K.V. Singh, the High Court observed that the citizens were required<br \/>\nto be educated by issue of Flag Code and the National Flag must be flown in<br \/>\na respectful manner and so long as a citizen of India does so, no restriction<br \/>\ncan be imposed on the basis of instructions contained in the Flag Code.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tBefore we proceed further it may be remembered that from time<br \/>\nimmemorial, people have laid down their lives with a view to salute their<br \/>\nown Flag.  What is so compelling in the piece of cloth called the National<br \/>\nFlag, that people make even the supreme sacrifice for its sake? National Flag<br \/>\nindisputably stands for the whole nation, its ideals, aspirations, its hopes and<br \/>\nachievements.\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;A National Flag&#8221; as pointed by Lt. Cdr. K.V. Singh in his book &#8216;Our<br \/>\nNational Flag&#8217; is the most solemn symbol of a country.  Be it a Head of the<br \/>\nState, King or peasant, salutes it.  A piece of cloth called the National Flag<br \/>\nstands for the whole nation, its honour and glory.  When it goes up the flag<br \/>\nmast, &#8220;the heart of a true citizen is filled with pride.&#8221;  In his foreword to this<br \/>\nvery book, Mr. R. Venkataraman, former President of India, referred to the<br \/>\nstruggle for independence and said as under :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Our flag, therefore, is both a benediction and<br \/>\nbeckoning.  It contains the blessings of all those<br \/>\ngreat souls who brought us to freedom.  But it also<br \/>\nbeckons us to fulfill their vision of a just and<br \/>\nunited India.  As we confront crucial challenges to<br \/>\nour security, our unity and integrity, we cannot but<br \/>\nheed to the call of this flag to rededicate ourselves<br \/>\nto the establishment of that peaceful and just order<br \/>\nwherein all Indians irrespective of creed, caste or<br \/>\nsex will fulfill themselves.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>When the draft of Indian Constitution was being debated, the<br \/>\nConstituent Assembly realized the importance of the National Flag.  An ad<br \/>\nhoc  committee therefor was constituted headed by Dr. Rajendra Prasad to<br \/>\ndesign the Flag for free India.  Other members of the Committee were Abul<br \/>\nKalam Azad, K.M. Panikar, Sarojini Naidu, C. Rajagopalachari, K.M.<br \/>\nMunshi and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.  The Flag Committee having been<br \/>\nconstituted held several meetings and studied the question in depth.  It<br \/>\narrived at the following decision :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;(a) The flag of the Indian National Congress<br \/>\nshould be adopted as the National Flag of India<br \/>\nwith suitable modifications, to make it acceptable<br \/>\nto all parties and communities in India.\n<\/p>\n<p>(b) The flag should be tricoloured, with three<br \/>\nbands horizontally arranged.\n<\/p>\n<p>(c) The colours should be in the following order:<br \/>\nsaffron on top, white in the middle and dark green<br \/>\nat the bottom.\n<\/p>\n<p>(d) The emblem of the flag should be an exact<br \/>\nreproduction of the wheel on the capital of Asoka&#8217;s<br \/>\nSarnath Pillar, superimposed in the middle of the<br \/>\ncentral white band.\n<\/p>\n<p>(e)  The colour of the emblem should be dark<br \/>\nblue.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>A motion was moved by Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru in the Constituent<br \/>\nAssembly of India on 22nd July 1947 for the adoption of the National Flag.<br \/>\nThe responses to this motion are extremely significant and serve as apt<br \/>\nreflections of the importance of the Indian Flag to the Indian people as a<br \/>\nwhole. The Flag played an extremely vital role in India&#8217;s struggle for<br \/>\nfreedom and its adoption was one of the indications of the culmination of<br \/>\nthat struggle. However, in the light of the present society, it is something<br \/>\nthat is much more than a mere symbol of freedom.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tAs said by Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, the flag is, &#8220;a flag of freedom<br \/>\nnot for ourselves, but a symbol of freedom to all people who may seek it.&#8221;<br \/>\n(See Constituent Assembly Debates, 22nd July 1947, p. 766) It was not to be<br \/>\nthe flag of the rich or wealthy, but it is to be the Flag of the depressed,<br \/>\noppressed and submerged classes all over the country. (See the views of Shri<br \/>\nV.I. Muniswami Pillai, in Constituent Assembly Debates, 22nd July 1947,<br \/>\np.771). This flag was to be the flag of the Nation, not the flag of any<br \/>\nparticular community, but the Flag of all Indians. As declared by Shri Frank<br \/>\nAnthony, &#8220;while this is a symbol of our past, it inspires us for the future.<br \/>\nThis flag flies today as the flag of the nation, and it should be the duty and<br \/>\nprivilege of every Indian not only to cherish and live under it, but if<br \/>\nnecessary, to die for it.&#8221; (See Constituent Assembly Debates, 22nd July 1947,<br \/>\np. 780)<\/p>\n<p>\tThe significance of the National Flag was aptly portrayed by Pandit<br \/>\nGovind Malaviya who said, &#8220;The importance of a National Flag does not<br \/>\ndepend on its colour, its bands or its other parts. The flag as a whole, is<br \/>\nimportant and other things- the colours etc, that it contains- are immaterial.<br \/>\nThe flag may be of a piece of white cloth or of any other insignificant<br \/>\nmaterial but when it is accepted as a National Flag, it becomes the emblem<br \/>\nof national self-respect. It becomes an expression of the sense of freedom of<br \/>\na nation.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>The resolution which was adopted as under :<br \/>\n&#8220;Resolved that the National Flag of India shall be a<br \/>\nhorizontal tricolour of deep Saffron (Kesari), white<br \/>\nand dark green in equal proportion.  In the center<br \/>\nof the white band, there shall be a wheel of navy<br \/>\nblue to represent the Chakra.  The design of the<br \/>\nwheel shall be that of the Wheel (Chakra) which<br \/>\nappears on the abacus of the Sarnath Lion Capital<br \/>\nof Asoka.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tNational Flags are intended to project the identity of the country<br \/>\nthey represent and foster national spirit. Their distinctive designs and colours<br \/>\nembody each nation&#8217;s particular character and proclaim the country&#8217;s<br \/>\nseparate existence. Thus it is veritably common to all nations that a national<br \/>\nflag has a great amount of significance. In order that the respect and dignity<br \/>\nof the flag be fostered and maintained, several countries have laid down<br \/>\nrules relating to the use, display, etc. of the flag, along with rules to provide<br \/>\nagainst the burning, mutilation and destruction of the flag. At this stage we<br \/>\nwould like to deal with the question as to how flying of national flag is<br \/>\nunderstood by other countries. The question at hand relates to how many<br \/>\ncountries allow the free use of the national flag by the citizens. In stark<br \/>\ncontrast to the role the flag has played in the freedom struggles, in several<br \/>\ncountries, the usage of the flag has become a virtual sole prerogative of the<br \/>\ngovernment.\n<\/p>\n<p>RESTRICTIONS ON THE USE OF FLAG IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES :\n<\/p>\n<p>S.No.\n<\/p>\n<p>Name of the country<br \/>\nWhether free use<br \/>\nof National Flag<br \/>\nis allowed to an<br \/>\nindividual<\/p>\n<p>1.<br \/>\nAustralia<br \/>\nYes\n<\/p>\n<p>2.<br \/>\nBrazil<br \/>\nYes\n<\/p>\n<p>3.<br \/>\nCanada<br \/>\nYes\n<\/p>\n<p>4.<br \/>\nChina<br \/>\nYes, even on<br \/>\ncertain occasions<br \/>\nand places\n<\/p>\n<p>5.<br \/>\nEgypt<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>6.<br \/>\nGermany<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>7.<br \/>\nIndonesia<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>8.<br \/>\nItaly<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>9.<br \/>\nJapan<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>10.<br \/>\nMalaysia<br \/>\nYes\n<\/p>\n<p>11.<br \/>\nMexico<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>12.<br \/>\nMiramar<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>13.<br \/>\nNew Zealand<br \/>\nYes\n<\/p>\n<p>14.<br \/>\nPakistan<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>15.<br \/>\nSri Lanka<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>16.<br \/>\nSweden<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>17.<br \/>\nTrinidad &amp; Tobago<br \/>\nNo\n<\/p>\n<p>18.<br \/>\nUnited Kingdom<br \/>\nNo<\/p>\n<p>\tCountries like Canada and Brazil allow free use of the flag by<br \/>\nindividuals, with the only rider being that the flag is treated with dignity and<br \/>\nrespect and flown and displayed properly. In the US Flag Code, free use by<br \/>\ncitizens is not specifically defined. The US Flag Code advocates the flying<br \/>\nof the flag with dignity and prohibits mutilation or defilement in public and<br \/>\nits use as costumes, athletic uniforms, cushions, handkerchiefs, etc. While<br \/>\nstating that the flag should be flown on all days, it specifies certain days on<br \/>\nwhich the flag should be flown specially. In the United Kingdom, the flying<br \/>\nof the flag is restricted to certain dates and on specified buildings. Japan has<br \/>\nnot defined the free use of the Flag by individuals, but has some provisions,<br \/>\nwhich may allow for their usage. For example, it is stated, &#8221; Now some of<br \/>\nyou must be inviting foreign guests to your factory or company in<br \/>\nconnection with your work. You must be having reception, meetings, dining<br \/>\ntogether. In such cases, as a symbol of welcome, if you want to hoist the<br \/>\nnational flag along with the flag of the other person&#8217;s country,<br \/>\nthe&#8230;specifications about size, etc. are to be followed.&#8221;(See National Flag of<br \/>\nJapan [Basic Rules for Hoisting]) Among India&#8217;s neighbours, Pakistan<br \/>\nallows free display of the National Flag on specified days only as may be<br \/>\nnotified by the government. Similarly, Sri Lanka also permits display of the<br \/>\nNational Flag on days of national importance only. (See the Report of the<br \/>\nNational Flag Committee, April 2001, pp. 14-15)<\/p>\n<p>\tElsewhere among the Commonwealth nations, in Australia the rules<br \/>\nfor flying the national flag only relate to flying the flag with dignity. In fact,<br \/>\nit is mentioned that the government hopes that all Australians will honour<br \/>\nand fly it with the pride befitting a national symbol. Similarly, it will be<br \/>\nnoticed that even in New Zealand, there are no special days prescribed on<br \/>\nwhich only individuals can fly the flag. In fact it is specifically stated that<br \/>\nthe New Zealand Flag may be flown on any day of the year. The rules are<br \/>\nmeant to serve as guides to simplify flag flying and lay down the correct<br \/>\nway to display the national flag. In fact in New Zealand the flag can be used<br \/>\nfor advertising and commercial use also, provided that a faithful<br \/>\nrepresentation should always be achieved with the flag being reproduced in<br \/>\nits true colours. In China, the Flag can be displayed even on New Year&#8217;s<br \/>\nDay, Spring Festival and in public places such as squares and parks. Further,<br \/>\neven in Malaysia, there is no restriction on the flying of the flag. The Flag<br \/>\ncan be put on cars and even on the inside of cars and flags are almost all<br \/>\nover the place. The Malaysians use stickers with the National Flag and<br \/>\ninscriptions &#8216;proud to be Malaysian.&#8217;<\/p>\n<p>The proceedings of this Court show that the appellant herein with a<br \/>\nview to resolve the controversy took several adjournments in the matter.<br \/>\nUltimately a committee was constituted by the appellant on or about<br \/>\n18.10.2000    submitted    its   report  in April 2001  upon obtaining the<br \/>\nviews of the State Governments and the Union Territory Administrations as<br \/>\nregard the questions :\n<\/p>\n<p>(a) Whether there is need to liberalize the use of<br \/>\nthe National Flag.  If so, to what extent?\n<\/p>\n<p>(b)\tWhether the State Government  foresee any<br \/>\nproblems in liberalizing the use of the<br \/>\nNational Flag.\n<\/p>\n<p>(c)\tIf the use of the National Flag is to be<br \/>\nliberalised for general public, what type of<br \/>\nreasonable restrictions may be imposed to<br \/>\nensure that the dignity of the flag is<br \/>\nmaintained.\n<\/p>\n<p>(d)\tWhether the provisions of the Flag Code &#8211;<br \/>\nIndia should have statutory back-up.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>The Committee constituted by the Central Government took into<br \/>\nconsideration the history and genesis of the Flag and inter alia noticed :<br \/>\n&#8220;3.1 From time immemorial, people have laid<br \/>\ndown their lives for their flags. Indeed, there is<br \/>\nsomething so compelling in this piece of cloth,<br \/>\ncalled the National Flag, that people make even the<br \/>\nsupreme sacrifice for its sake.  The National Flag<br \/>\nstands for the whole nation, its ideals, aspirations,<br \/>\nits hopes and achievements.  It is a beacon<br \/>\nshowing to its people the path when their very<br \/>\nexistence is threatened.  It is at this time of danger<br \/>\nthat this much length of cloth inspires people to<br \/>\nunite under its umbrella and urge them to defend<br \/>\nthe honour of their motherland.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>The recommendations made by the said Committee was placed before<br \/>\nthe Cabinet whereafter the Flag Code of India 2002 was issued which came<br \/>\ninto force with effect from 26.1.2002.\n<\/p>\n<p>The said Flag Code has been divided into three parts. Part I of the<br \/>\nCode contains the description of the National Flag.  Part II provides for the<br \/>\nmode and manner of hoisting\/display\/use of National Flag by members of<br \/>\nthe public, private organizations, educational institutions etc.  Part III of the<br \/>\nCode relates to hoisting\/display of the National Flag by the Central and State<br \/>\nGovernments and their organizations and agencies.  From Clause 2.1 of<br \/>\nSection I appearing in Part II of the National Flag, it is now clear that there<br \/>\nshall be no restriction on the display of the National Flag by members of<br \/>\ngeneral public, private organizations, educational institutions etc.  except to<br \/>\nthe extent provided in the 1950 Act and 1971 Act and any other law enacted<br \/>\non the subject.  Having regard to the aforementioned statutes, as regards<br \/>\nflying of the National Flag, regulations which are 13 in number have been<br \/>\nlaid down in the Flag Code, one of them being :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;(i) the Flag shall not be used for commercial<br \/>\npurposes in violation of the emblem and<br \/>\nNames (Prevention of Improper Use) Act,<br \/>\n1950;&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>Section I of Part III provides for defence installations\/Heads of<br \/>\nMissions\/Posts whereas Section II provides for official display. Section II of<br \/>\nPart II provides for as to how the National Flag may be hoisted in<br \/>\neducational institutions. Section III of Part III lays down the manner in<br \/>\nwhich correct display of the National Flag should be made and in contrast<br \/>\nthereto Section IV provides for incorrect display.  Section V provides as to<br \/>\nhow misuse of the National Flag should be prevented.  Section VI provides<br \/>\nfor salute of the Flag.  Section VII provides that display with flags of other<br \/>\nNations and of United Nations.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tAlthough  interpretation of the Constitution of India is primarily must<br \/>\nbe based on the materials available in India, relevant rules of the other<br \/>\ncountries have been enumerated hereinbefore for our guidance.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIt can therefore be stated that some countries like Brazil, Canada<br \/>\nallow for the unrestricted use of the Flag by individuals. On the other side of<br \/>\nthe spectrum, countries like the UK hold their flag so sacrosanct that<br \/>\nindividuals are not permitted to use and display the flag. Other countries all<br \/>\ntry to strike a balance between the two extremes, based on the cherished<br \/>\nvalues of their country, the history behind the evolution of the flag in their<br \/>\ncountry, etc. Thus, in order to discern whether an individual has a right to<br \/>\ndisplay the flag in India, one will have to discern what are the advantages<br \/>\nand disadvantages of free use and balance that with the vital role played by<br \/>\nthe flag in India&#8217;s freedom struggle.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThere are two main schools of thoughts governing the free use of the<br \/>\nflag. On one hand it is contended that the policy of India has so far been to<br \/>\nrestrict the use of the National Flag with a view of ensuring that it is not<br \/>\ndishonored in any manner. The instructions contained in the Flag Code are<br \/>\nintended to ensure that proper respect is shown to the National Flag and that<br \/>\nthe Flag is not used indiscriminately. Moreover, a more liberal use of the<br \/>\nNational Flag would require greater civic awareness on the part of the<br \/>\ncitizens. A sudden swing to a liberal approach in the matter may create<br \/>\nproblems, particularly in the matter of ensuring that the correct usages<br \/>\nregarding the National Flag are observed by the citizens at large.<br \/>\nUnrestricted use of the National Flag may result in commercial exploitation<br \/>\nof the Flag. It may be difficult to detect all such instances and take necessary<br \/>\naction. Unrestricted use of the Flag may not attract the same level of respect<br \/>\nand reverence from the citizens as at present. The unrestricted use of the<br \/>\nNational Flag may result in its indiscriminate use in processions, meetings,<br \/>\netc. Instances of insults to the National Flag as a matter of protest may also<br \/>\noccur.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tHowever, on the other hand, there is another set of people who<br \/>\nardently believe that there exists strong reasons to liberalise the use of<br \/>\nNational Flag for a number of reasons, some of them being: &#8211;\n<\/p>\n<p>?\tDue to the various restrictions imposed on the use and display<br \/>\nof the National Flag, an impression has developed among<br \/>\npeople as if the national Flag is meant for Government use only<br \/>\nand the people at large are permitted unrestricted display of<br \/>\nNational Flag only on certain limited occasions. This has<br \/>\nprobably created a feeling of dissatisfaction among certain<br \/>\nsections of people of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>?\tWith the electronic media and satellite communication<br \/>\nbecoming popular, it is very difficult to ensure that public<br \/>\ndisplay of the National Flag is avoided. For instance, in various<br \/>\ninternational sports or cultural events, people identify<br \/>\nthemselves with their country by displacing the National Flag.<br \/>\nIt is an expression of pride. It is an expression of genuine<br \/>\nenthusiasm. If the restrictions imposed on the use of the<br \/>\nNational Flag are implemented scrupulously, it would amount<br \/>\nto discouraging the Indian citizens or Indian nationals from<br \/>\nidentifying themselves with the Flag of the country.<br \/>\n?\tThe restrictions imposed on the use of the National Flag should<br \/>\nbe commensurate with the international practices being adopted<br \/>\nby various democratic countries and the Government should not<br \/>\nimpose any restriction, which distances people from the<br \/>\nNational Flag.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThus, there exist two very strong views of thought on whether there<br \/>\nshould be free and unrestricted use of the flag allowed to citizens. The stand<br \/>\ntaken by other countries definitely has a bearing on the course India has<br \/>\ntaken so far and the course to be adopted in the future. It can be seen from<br \/>\nthe history, reflected very aptly from the discussions in the Constituent<br \/>\nAssembly that the flag is definitely one of the most revered objects in our<br \/>\nsociety. It must certainly be treated with the utmost respect and dignity. This<br \/>\nmight not be possible without imposing any restrictions on its use. But one<br \/>\ncan see from the global scenario, that the major trend is to protect the flag<br \/>\nagainst mutilation, destruction, etc. and not to prevent individuals from<br \/>\nhaving any access to the flag, making its use a virtual exclusive privilege of<br \/>\nthe government. Since all Indians fought for freedom, it can never be the<br \/>\nintention to deny them use of their National Flag &#8211; a symbol of their freedom<br \/>\nin entirety. Thus, one can conclude that the basic intention is to provide<br \/>\nagainst the destruction, mutilation, etc. of the Flag and to provide certain<br \/>\nbasic level rules for when and how it should be compulsorily used. Though<br \/>\nnot expressly stated, it must therefore give a right of usage to the citizens,<br \/>\nother than on the specific occasions specified.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThen the question arises, which view is to be accepted. National<br \/>\nanthem, National Flag and National Song are secular symbols of  the<br \/>\nnationhood.  They represent the supreme collective expression of<br \/>\ncommitment and loyalty to the nation as well as patriotism for the country.<br \/>\nThey are necessary adjunct of sovereignty being symbols and actions<br \/>\nassociated therewith.  Can an Indian citizen having regard to the law<br \/>\nprevailing in other countries fly an Indian flag therein or whether a foreigner<br \/>\ncan fly his flag in India.  If the answer to the question is to be rendered in the<br \/>\nnegative, a startling result will follow therefrom inasmuch an Indian citizen<br \/>\ntraveling abroad will be entitled to fly the National Flag but not in India<br \/>\nwhereas a foreigner would be entitled to do so within the territory of India.<br \/>\nThe beauty of the Indian Constitution is that the entire structure of the<br \/>\ncountry is based thereupon.  It is the very  pillar upon which the democracy<br \/>\nof India stands. The unity and integrity of India if to be perceived in diverse<br \/>\nsituation, the feeling of loyalty, commitment and patriotism can be judged<br \/>\nnot only by giving effect to the constitutionalism but also on their secular<br \/>\nsymbol unhidden as noticed hereinbefore.  The question of this nature has to<br \/>\nbe considered not from the answer as to whether their exists an express<br \/>\nprovision on the basis whereof a right to fly the National Flag can be rested<br \/>\nor whether there is anything in the Constitution prohibiting or denying the<br \/>\nexercise of such a right.   If flying of a National Flag is considered in<br \/>\nabsence of any denial thereof either in the Constitution or in any other<br \/>\nstatute book, it may be held to be a part of the fundamental right.\n<\/p>\n<p>Before we proceed further, it is necessary to deal with the question,<br \/>\nwhether Flag Code is &#8220;law&#8221;?   Flag  Code  concededly contains the<br \/>\nexecutive instructions of the Central Government.  It is stated that the<br \/>\nMinistry of Home Affairs, which is competent to issue the instructions<br \/>\ncontained in the Flag Code and all matters relating thereto are one of the<br \/>\nitems of business allocated to the said Ministry by the President under the<br \/>\nGovernment of India (Allocation of Business) Rules, 1961 framed in terms<br \/>\nof Article 77 of the Constitution of India.  The question, however, is as to<br \/>\nwhether the said executive instruction is &#8220;law&#8221; within the meaning of Article<br \/>\n13 of the Constitution of India.  Article 13(3)(a) of the Constitution of India<br \/>\nreads thus :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;13. (3) (a) &#8220;Law&#8221; includes any Ordinance, order<br \/>\nbye-law, rule, regulation, notification, custom or<br \/>\nusage having in the territory of India the force of<br \/>\nlaw.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tA bare perusal of the said provision would clearly go to show that<br \/>\nexecutive instructions would not fall within the aforementioned category.<br \/>\nSuch executive instructions may have the force of law for some other<br \/>\npurposes; as for example those instructions which are issued as a supplement<br \/>\nto the legislative power in terms of  clause (1) of Article 77 of the<br \/>\nConstitution of India.  The necessity as regard determination of the said<br \/>\nquestion has arisen as the Parliament has not chosen to enact a statute which<br \/>\nwould confer at least a statutory right upon a citizen of India to fly a<br \/>\nNational Flag.  An executive instruction issued by the appellant herein can<br \/>\nany time be replaced by another set of executive instructions and thus<br \/>\ndeprive Indian citizens from flying National Flag.  Furthermore, such a<br \/>\nquestion will also arise in the event if it be held that right to fly the National<br \/>\nFlag is a fundamental or a natural right within the meaning of Article 19 of<br \/>\nthe Constitution of India; as for the purpose of regulating the exercise of<br \/>\nright of freedom guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a) to (e) and (g) a law must<br \/>\nbe made.\n<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/doc\/619152\/\">In Kharak Singh vs. State of U.P.<\/a> [AIR 1963 SC 1295], this Court<br \/>\nheld :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Though learned counsel for the respondent started<br \/>\nby attempting such a justification by invoking<br \/>\nsection 12 of the Indian Police Act he gave this up<br \/>\nand conceded that the regulations contained in<br \/>\nChapter XX had no such statutory basis but were<br \/>\nmerely executive or departmental instructions<br \/>\nframed for the guidance of the police officers.<br \/>\nThey would not therefore be &#8220;a Law&#8221; which the<br \/>\nstate is entitled to make under the relevant clauses<br \/>\n(2) to (6) of Article 19 in order to regulate or<br \/>\ncurtail fundamental rights guaranteed by the<br \/>\nseveral sub-clauses of Article 19(1), nor would the<br \/>\nsame be a &#8220;a procedure established by law&#8221; within<br \/>\nArticle 21.  The position therefore is that if the<br \/>\naction of the police which is the arm of the<br \/>\nexecutive of the state is found to infringe any of<br \/>\nthe freedom guaranteed to the petitioner the<br \/>\npetitioner would be entitled to the relief of<br \/>\nmandamus which he seeks, to  restrain the state<br \/>\nfrom taking action under the regulations.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tTo the same effect are the decisions of this Court in <a href=\"\/doc\/766560\/\">State of Madhya<br \/>\nPradesh and Another vs. Thakur Bharat Singh<\/a>  [AIR  1967 SC 1170],<br \/>\n<a href=\"\/doc\/1508089\/\">Bijoe, Emmanuel and Others vs. State of Kerala and Others<\/a> [(1986) 3 SCC<br \/>\n619].\n<\/p>\n<p>\t<a href=\"\/doc\/987723\/\">In S.C. Advocates-on-Record Assn. vs. Union of India<\/a> [(1993) 4 SCC<br \/>\n441], it was held :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Constitution is the &#8220;will&#8221; of the people whereas<br \/>\nthe statutory laws are the creation of the legislators<br \/>\nwho are the elected representatives of the people.<br \/>\nWhere the will of the legislature-declared in the<br \/>\nstatutes-stands in opposition to that of the people-<br \/>\ndeclared in the constitution-the will of the people<br \/>\nmust prevail.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\t<a href=\"\/doc\/1637163\/\">In  Punit Rai vs. Dinesh Chaudhary<\/a> [(2003) 8 SCC 204], this Court<br \/>\nheld that a circular letter as regard determination of caste of a child born<br \/>\nfrom a non-Scheduled Caste Hindu father and a Scheduled Caste mother<br \/>\nshall not have the force of the statute, stating :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;The said circular letter has not been issued by the<br \/>\nState in exercise of its power under Article 162 of<br \/>\nthe Constitution of India.  It is not stated therein<br \/>\nthat the decision has been taken by the Cabinet or<br \/>\nany authority authorized in this behalf in terms of<br \/>\nArticle 166(3) of the Constitution  of India.  It is<br \/>\ntrite that a circular letter being an administrative<br \/>\ninstruction is not a law within the meaning of<br \/>\nArticle 13 of the Constitution of India.  [See<br \/>\nDwarka Nath Tewari v. State of Bihar &#8211; AIR 1959<br \/>\nSC 249].\n<\/p>\n<p>Now we come to the core question, whether flying of the National<br \/>\nFlag is a fundamental right?\n<\/p>\n<p>Part III of the Constitution of India provides for fundamental rights.<br \/>\nBy reason of Article 19 of the Constitution of India six rights of freedom<br \/>\nhave been guranteed  to the citizens of  India.   Clause (a) of the said right<br \/>\nspeaks of freedom of speech and expression.  Such a fundamental right is,<br \/>\nhowever, not absolute.  It is subject to the regulatory provisions contained in<br \/>\nclause (2) which reads thus :\n<\/p>\n<p>(2)&#8221;Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall<br \/>\naffect the operation of any existing law, or prevent<br \/>\nthe State from making any law, in so far as such<br \/>\nlaw imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise<br \/>\nof the right conferred by the said sub-clause in the<br \/>\ninterests of the sovereignty and integrity of India,<br \/>\nthe security of the State, friendly relations with<br \/>\nForeign States, public order, decency or morality<br \/>\nor in relation to contempt of court, defamation or<br \/>\nincitement to an offence.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>The rights specified in Article 19 operate against the State actions.<br \/>\nThe rights granted to a citizen of India under Article 19 of the Constitution<br \/>\nof India, it is trite, is not to be considered in isolation as Part III constitutes<br \/>\nan amalgam of rights and, thus, a law falling under Articles 21 and 22 of the<br \/>\nConstitution of India has yet to satisfy the requirements of other Articles in<br \/>\nPart III of the Constitution, such as Articles 14 and 19 of the Constitution of<br \/>\nIndia.\n<\/p>\n<p>With a view to find out an answer to the aforementioned question, it<br \/>\nwas necessary for us also to take into account  :  importance of the National<br \/>\nFlag; (2) Constituent Assembly Debates; and (3) Rules existing in other<br \/>\ncountries, which have already been adverted to.  As would appear from the<br \/>\ndiscussions made herein before, flying of National Flag being symbol of<br \/>\nexpression would come within the purview of Article 19(1) (a) of the<br \/>\nConstitution.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIn Victor Chandler International vs. Customs and Excise<br \/>\nCommissioners and another [2000) 2 All ER 315 at p. 322], it was stated :<br \/>\n&#8220;27. There are, of course, some gaps in legislation<br \/>\nthat cannot be filled by judge made law.  But it is<br \/>\nnow a well known rule of statutory construction<br \/>\nthat an &#8216;ongoing&#8217; statutory provision should be<br \/>\ntreated as &#8216;always speaking&#8217;.  The principle is set<br \/>\nout in Bennion Statutory Interpretation (3rd edn,<br \/>\n1997), p.686:\n<\/p>\n<p>\t&#8216;(2) It is presumed that Parliament intends<br \/>\nthe court to apply to an ongoing Act a construction<br \/>\nthat continuously updates its wording to allow for<br \/>\nchanges since the Act was initially framed (an<br \/>\nupdating construction).  While it remains law, it is<br \/>\nto be treated as always speaking&#8230;.(3) A fixed-time<br \/>\nAct is intended to be applied in the same way<br \/>\nwhatever changes might occur after its passing.<br \/>\nUpdating construction is not therefore applied to it.\n<\/p>\n<p>28.\tThese principles received the endorsement<br \/>\nof the Court of Appeal in R. vs. Westminister City<br \/>\nCouncil, ex p A (1997) 9 Admin LR 504 at 509,<br \/>\nwhere Lord Woolf MR described the National<br \/>\nAssistance Act 1948 as &#8211;\n<\/p>\n<p>\t&#8216;a prime example of an Act which is &#8220;always<br \/>\nspeaking&#8221; and so should be construed&#8221; on a<br \/>\nconstruction, that continuously updates its wording<br \/>\nto allow for changes since the Act was initially<br \/>\nframed&#8221;.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tConstitution being a living organ, its ongoing interpretation is<br \/>\npermissible.  The supremacy of the Constitution is essential to bring social<br \/>\nchanges in the national polity evolved with the passage of time.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tInterpretation of the Constitution is a difficult task.  While doing so,<br \/>\nthe constitutional courts are not only required to take into consideration their<br \/>\nown experience over the time, the international treatise and covenants but<br \/>\nalso keeping the doctrine of flexibility in mind.  This Court times without<br \/>\nnumber has extended the scope and extent of the provisions of the<br \/>\nfundamental rights, having regard to several factors including the intent and<br \/>\npurport of the constitution makers as reflected in Parts IV and IVA of the<br \/>\nConstitution of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIn developed countries, like Australia, freedom of expression did not<br \/>\nfind place in the Australian Constitution.  In fact, there is no list of personal<br \/>\nrights of freedom which may be enforced in the courts, listed in the<br \/>\nAustralian Constitution, save and except certain personal rights such as the<br \/>\nright to trial by jury (Section 80) and the right to freedom of religion<br \/>\n(Section 116).  Despite the same the High Court of Australia beginning from<br \/>\n1992 indicated that the citizens enjoy implied rights to free speech and<br \/>\ncommunication on matters concerning politics and government, as for<br \/>\nexample, permitting political advertising during election campaigns terms as<br \/>\n&#8216;implied freedom of political communication&#8217;.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tWe may note some case law from Australia, in this connection :<br \/>\n\tIn Levy v State of Victoria and Lange v Australian Broadcasting<br \/>\nCorporation, Anne Twomey, Sydney Law Review, Vol 1 No 1, March<br \/>\n1997,  it was stated :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;The constitutional implication of freedom of<br \/>\npolitical communication may have only recently<br \/>\nbeen recognised in Australia, but it has rapidly<br \/>\ndeveloped through three generations of cases. It<br \/>\nwas initially recognised in 1992 on the grounds<br \/>\nthat it was necessary for the efficacious operation<br \/>\nof the system of representative government which<br \/>\nis mandated by the text and structure of the<br \/>\nCommonwealth Constitution. In 1994, the<br \/>\napplication of the implication was expanded in<br \/>\nTheophanous v Herald &amp; Weekly Times Ltd and<br \/>\nStephens v West Australian Newspapers Ltd to<br \/>\nconstrain State defamation laws, both statute and<br \/>\ncommon law. In 1996, however, the High Court<br \/>\nhas been more restrained in its interpretation of the<br \/>\nextent of the implication and in the development of<br \/>\nfurther implications which rest upon the<br \/>\nconstitutional system of representative<br \/>\ngovernment.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIn The State of Play in the Constitutionally Implied Freedom of<br \/>\nPolitical Discussion and Bans on Electoral Canvassing in Australia,<br \/>\nGeorge Williams, Parliamentary Library Law and Bills Digest Group<br \/>\nResearch Paper 10, 1997, it was observed :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Despite judicial moves to strengthen protection<br \/>\nfor political discussion in Australia, there have<br \/>\nbeen countervailing political moves to restrict<br \/>\ncertain forms of political speech. This has<br \/>\nfrequently been driven by inquiries undertaken by<br \/>\nparliamentary committees at both the State and<br \/>\nFederal level. &#8230;Does this mean that Australian<br \/>\nParliaments and the High Court are on a collision<br \/>\ncourse over free speech in the electoral process?<br \/>\nThe answer need not be yes.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThe decisions of the High Court in Australian Capital Television Pty<br \/>\nLtd v Commonwealth (the Political Broadcasts case) and Nationwide News<br \/>\nPty Ltd v Wills (the Nationwide News case) mark a significant new<br \/>\ndevelopment in Australian constitutional law, in particular because of the<br \/>\nHigh Court&#8217;s recognition of the freedom of communication in relation to<br \/>\npolitical matters.\n<\/p>\n<p>Article 5 of the 1988 Brazil Constitution guarantees that &#8220;the<br \/>\nexpression of thought is free, and anonymity is forbidden&#8230; the expression<br \/>\nof intellectual, artistic, scientific, and communications activities is free,<br \/>\nindependently of censorship or license&#8221; and that &#8220;the privacy, private life,<br \/>\nhonor and image of persons are inviolable, and the right to compensation for<br \/>\nproperty or moral damages resulting from their violation is ensured.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>Free speech rights in the Venezuelan constitution are based on the<br \/>\nbroad definition of &#8221;freedom of expression&#8221; in Article 19 of the Universal<br \/>\nDeclaration of Human Rights, which asserts, not only a right to &#8221;freedom of<br \/>\nopinion and expression&#8221; but also a right &#8221;to seek, receive and impart<br \/>\ninformation and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Section 2(b) of the Canadian Charter states that &#8220;Everyone has the<br \/>\nfreedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the<br \/>\npress and other media of communication.&#8221; The section potentially could<br \/>\ncover  a  wide  range  of   action,   from    commercial    expression      to<br \/>\npolitical   expression;   from     journalistic    privilege   to    hate    speech<br \/>\nto pornography. The jurisprudence of the Supreme<br \/>\nCourt of Canada has largely been an attempt to carve out: first, the purpose<br \/>\nof s. 2(b) what values does it seek to protect, who should be entitled to its<br \/>\nprotection; and second, the scope of s. 2(b), what is &#8216;expression&#8217;?<br \/>\nFreedom of expression is a cornerstone of  functioning of the<br \/>\ndemocracy. Freedom of expression promotes certain  values, as noted by<br \/>\nProfessor Emerson in 1963: &#8220;Maintenance of a system of free expression is<br \/>\nnecessary (1) as assuring individual self-fulfillment, (2) as a means of<br \/>\nattaining the truth, (3) as a method of securing participation by the members<br \/>\nof the society in social, including political, decision-making, and (4) as<br \/>\nmaintaining the balance between stability and change in society.&#8221;<br \/>\nConstitutional commitment to free speech was held to be  predicated on the<br \/>\nbelief that a free society cannot function with coercive legal censorship in<br \/>\nthe hands of persons supporting one ideology who are motivated to use the<br \/>\npower of the censor to suppress opposing viewpoints.<br \/>\nThe Canadian approach to freedom of expression allows for a wide<br \/>\nconception of &#8220;expression&#8221; within s. 2(b). The Supreme Court of Canada has<br \/>\nstated that a wide and inclusionary approach to the interpretation of the<br \/>\nCharter&#8217;s free expression guarantee is to be preferred (see Ford v. Quebec<br \/>\n1988 (2) SCR 90, and Irwin Toy v. Quebec (Attorney General) 1989 (1)<br \/>\nSCR 927). Thus, in Irwin Toy, Chief Justice Dickson explained that<br \/>\n&#8220;&#8216;expression&#8217; has both a content and a form, and the two can be inextricably<br \/>\nconnected. Activity is expressive if it attempts to convey meaning. That<br \/>\nmeaning is its content.&#8221; Not only is there a freedom of expression, there is<br \/>\nalso a freedom  not to express. As Justice Beetz said in National Bank of<br \/>\nCanada v. R.C.U. 1984 (1) SCR 269 [p. 377 text], &#8220;all freedoms guaranteed<br \/>\nby s. 2 of the Charter necessarily imply reciprocal rights: &#8230; freedom of<br \/>\nexpression includes the right to not express.&#8221;<br \/>\nThere are of course limits to free speech and free press guarantees, as<br \/>\nthe Canadian Supreme Court is quite ready to point out (see CBC v.<br \/>\nA.G.N.B. 1991 (3) SCR 459). For example, even though the press enjoys<br \/>\ncore constitutional rights of access and publication, they do not have<br \/>\nprotection for all operational means and methods the press may choose to<br \/>\nadopt. The press does not, for example, enjoy immunity if they run a<br \/>\npedestrian down in pursuit of a new story under the guise of &#8220;freedom of the<br \/>\npress&#8221;. Nor is a violent attack on someone (however dramatic the attack may<br \/>\nbe) considered to be expression. Understanding freedom of expression<br \/>\nrequires not only understanding its place in the Canadian constitution, but<br \/>\nalso, understanding it within the context of society and society&#8217;s competing<br \/>\nvalues.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThis Court has also extended the meaning of Articles 14, 19 and 21 of<br \/>\nthe Constitution of India. [See; <a href=\"\/doc\/72560\/\">Jagdish Saran and Others vs. Union of<br \/>\nIndia<\/a> (1980) 2 SCC 768]<br \/>\n \tDecisions are many where this Court read various rights in Article 21<br \/>\nof the Constitution of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>This Court has also interpreted the provisions of the Constitution of<br \/>\nIndia either in the light of the Directive Principles of the State Policy as<br \/>\ncontained in Part IV of the Constitution of India or fundamental duties as<br \/>\nadumbrated in Part IVA thereof or both.  Applying the said test and keeping<br \/>\nin view the fact that the right to fly the National Flag is not an absolute right<br \/>\nbut a qualified right, such right can be read with having regard to Article 51-<br \/>\nA of the Constitution of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>In People&#8217;s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and Another etc. vs.<br \/>\nUnion of India and Another [(2003) 4 SCC 399 at page 403], this Court<br \/>\nheld:\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;&#8230;It is established that fundamental rights<br \/>\nthemselves have no fixed content, most of them<br \/>\nare empty vessels into which each generation must<br \/>\npour its content in the light of its experience.  The<br \/>\nattempt of the court should be to expand the reach <\/p>\n<p>and ambit of the fundamental rights by process of<br \/>\njudicial interpretation.  The Constitution is<br \/>\nrequired to be kept young, energetic and alive&#8221;.\n<\/p>\n<p>  The right to have a passport was also held to be a part of personal<br \/>\nliberty under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. [See: <a href=\"\/doc\/1766147\/\">Maneka Gandhi<br \/>\nvs. Union of India<\/a> &#8211; [1978 ] 1 SCC 248].  Disturbance to ecological balance<br \/>\nhas been held to be  hazardous to life within the meaning of Article 21 of the<br \/>\nConstitution of India [<a href=\"\/doc\/1514672\/\">See M.C. Mehta vs. Kamal Nath<\/a> (2000) 6 SCC 213].\n<\/p>\n<p>\tDifferent facets of Article 14 of the Constitution of India have been<br \/>\ndiscussed in a series of judgments.  The expanded notion of the principle of<br \/>\nequality as enunciated by <a href=\"\/doc\/1327287\/\">E.P. Royappa vs. State of Tamil Nadu<\/a> [AIR 1974<br \/>\nSC 555] followed in <a href=\"\/doc\/1766147\/\">Maneka Gandhi vs. Union of India<\/a> [AIR 1978 SC 597<br \/>\nat para 56], R.D. Shetti vs. International Airport Authority of India [AIR<br \/>\n1979 SC 1628], <a href=\"\/doc\/1186368\/\">Ajay Hasia vs. Khalid Mujib<\/a>     [AIR 1981 SC 487] and<br \/>\n<a href=\"\/doc\/618105\/\">Neelima Misra vs. Harinder Kaur<\/a> [(1990) 2 SCC 746].\n<\/p>\n<p>\tSo far as right of speech and expression is concerned, vis-`-vis<br \/>\ncensor and other regulations thereof, this Court in Kameshwar Prasad vs.<br \/>\nState of Bihar [AIR 1962 SC 1166] observed :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Without going very much into the niceties of<br \/>\nlanguage it might be broadly stated that a<br \/>\ndemonstration is a visible manifestation of the<br \/>\nfeelings or sentiments of an individual or a group.<br \/>\nIt is thus a communication of one&#8217;s ideas to others<br \/>\nto whom it is intended to be conveyed.  It is in<br \/>\neffect therefore a form of speech or of expression,<br \/>\nbecause speech need not be vocal since signs made<br \/>\nby a dumb person would also be a form of speech.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>In L.I.C. vs. Professor Manubhai D. Shah, [(1992) 3 SCC 637], it<br \/>\nwas observed :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;5. Speech is God&#8217;s gift to mankind.  Through<br \/>\nspeech a human being conveys his thoughts,<br \/>\nsentiments and feelings to others.  Freedom of<br \/>\nspeech and expression is thus a natural right which<br \/>\na human being acquires on birth. It is, therefore, a<br \/>\nbasic human right. Everyone has the right to<br \/>\nfreedom of opinion and expression; the right<br \/>\nincludes freedom to hold opinions without<br \/>\ninterference and to seek and  receive and impart<br \/>\ninformation and ideas through any media and<br \/>\nregardless of frontiers.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>6. A constitutional provision is never static, it is<br \/>\never-evolving and ever-changing and, therefore,<br \/>\ndoes not admit of a narrow, pedantic or syllogistic<br \/>\napproach. If such an approach had been adopted by<br \/>\nthe American Courts, the First Amendment &#8211;<br \/>\n(1971) &#8211; &#8220;Congress shall make no law abridging<br \/>\nthe freedom of speech, or of the press&#8221; &#8211; would<br \/>\nhave been restricted in its application to the<br \/>\nsituation then obtaining and would not have<br \/>\ncatered to the changed situation arising on account<br \/>\nof the transformation of the print media. It was the<br \/>\nbroad approach adopted by the Court which<br \/>\nenabled them to chart out the contours on ever-<br \/>\nexpanding notions of press freedom. In Dennis v.<br \/>\nUnited States (341 US 494 : 95 L Ed 1137 (1951))<br \/>\nJustice Frankfurter observed :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;&#8230; The language of the First Amendment is to be<br \/>\nread not as barren words found in a dictionary but<br \/>\nas symbols of historic experience illuminated by<br \/>\nthe presuppositions of those who employed them.&#8221;<br \/>\nAdopting this approach in Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v.<br \/>\nWilson (343 US 495) the Court rejected its earlier<br \/>\ndetermination to the contrary in Mutual Film<br \/>\nCorporation v. Industrial Commission of Ohio<br \/>\n(236 US 230) and concluded that expression<br \/>\nthrough motion pictures is included within the<br \/>\nprotection of the First Amendment. The Court thus<br \/>\nexpanded the reach of the First Amendment by<br \/>\nplacing a liberal construction on the language of<br \/>\nthat provision. It will thus be seen that the<br \/>\nAmerican Supreme Court has always placed a<br \/>\nbroad interpretation on the constitutional provision<br \/>\nfor the obvious reason that the Constitution has to<br \/>\nserve the needs of an ever-changing society.\n<\/p>\n<p>7. The same trend is discernible from the decisions<br \/>\nof the Indian courts also. It must be appreciated<br \/>\nthat the Indian Constitution has separately<br \/>\nenshrined the fundamental rights in Part III of the<br \/>\nConstitution since they represent the basic values<br \/>\nwhich the people of India cherished when they<br \/>\ngave unto themselves the Constitution for free<br \/>\nIndia. That was with a view to ensuring that their<br \/>\nhonour, dignity and self respect will be protected<br \/>\nin free India. They had learnt a bitter lesson from<br \/>\nthe behavior of those in authority during the<br \/>\ncolonial rule. They were, therefore, not prepared to<br \/>\nleave anything to chance. They, therefore,<br \/>\nconsidered it of importance to protect specific<br \/>\nbasic human rights by incorporating a Bill of<br \/>\nRights in the Constitution in the form of<br \/>\nfundamental rights. These fundamental rights were<br \/>\nintended to serve generation after generation. They<br \/>\nhad to be stated in broad terms leaving scope for<br \/>\nexpansion by courts. Such an intention must be<br \/>\nascribed to the Constitution-makers since they had<br \/>\nthemselves made provisions in the Constitution to<br \/>\nbring about a socio-economic transformation. That<br \/>\nbeing so, it is reasonable to infer that the<br \/>\nConstitution-makers employed a broad<br \/>\nphraseology while drafting the fundamental rights<br \/>\nso that they may be able to cater to the needs of a<br \/>\nchanging society&#8230;&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>8. The words &#8220;freedom of speech and expression&#8221;<br \/>\nmust, therefore, be broadly construed to include<br \/>\nthe freedom to circulate one&#8217;s views by words of<br \/>\nmouth or in writing or through audio-visual<br \/>\ninstrumentalities. It, therefore, includes the right to<br \/>\npropagate one&#8217;s views through the print media or<br \/>\nthrough any other communication channel e.g. the<br \/>\nradio and the television. Every citizen of this free<br \/>\ncountry, therefore, has the right to air his or her<br \/>\nviews through the printing and\/or the electronic<br \/>\nmedia subject of course to permissible restrictions<br \/>\nimposed under Article 19(2) of the Constitution.<br \/>\nThe print media, the radio and the tiny screen play<br \/>\nthe role of public educations, so vital to the growth<br \/>\nof a healthy democracy. Freedom to air one&#8217;s<br \/>\nviews is the lifeline of any democratic institution<br \/>\nand any attempt to stifle, suffocate or gag this right<br \/>\nwould sound a death-knell to democracy and<br \/>\nwould help usher in autocracy or dictatorship&#8230;.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>From the aforementioned observation, it is evident that LIC&#8217;s refusal<br \/>\nto publish respondent&#8217;s rejoinder was unfair and amounted to denial of his<br \/>\nright under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIn Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting vs. Cricket<br \/>\nAssociation of Bengal and Others [(1995) 2 SCC 161], it was observed :\n<\/p>\n<p>\t&#8220;The freedom of speech and expression<br \/>\nincludes right to acquire information and to<br \/>\ndisseminate it.  Freedom of speech and expression<br \/>\nis necessary, for self-expression which is an<br \/>\nimportant means of free conscience and self-<br \/>\nfulfilment.  It enables people to contribute to<br \/>\ndebates on social and moral issues.  It is the best<br \/>\nway to find a truest model of anything, since it is<br \/>\nonly through it that the widest possible range of<br \/>\nideas can circulate.  It is the only vehicle of<br \/>\npolitical discourse so essential to democracy.<br \/>\nEqually important is the role if plays in facilitating<br \/>\nartistic and scholarly endeavours of all sorts.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;45. The burden is on the authority to justify the<br \/>\nrestrictions. Public order is not the same thing as<br \/>\npublic safety and hence no restrictions can be<br \/>\nplaced on the right to freedom of speech and<br \/>\nexpression on the ground that public safety is<br \/>\nendangered. Unlike in the American Constitution,<br \/>\nlimitations on fundamental rights are specifically<br \/>\nspelt out under Article 19(2) of our Constitution.<br \/>\nHence no restrictions can be placed on the right to<br \/>\nfreedom of speech and expression on grounds<br \/>\nother than those specified under Article 19(2).&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThus, the right to impart and receive information by air waves and<br \/>\notherwise is a species of the right of freedom of speech and expression<br \/>\nguaranteed by Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIn Indian Express Newspapers vs. Union of India &amp; Ors. [(1985) 1<br \/>\nSCC 641], the  law is stated in the following terms :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Freedom of expression, as learned writers have<br \/>\nobserved, has four broad social purposes to serve :\n<\/p>\n<p>(i) it helps an individual to attain self fulfillment,\n<\/p>\n<p>(ii) it is assists in the discovery of truth, (iii) it<br \/>\nstrengthens the capacity of an individual in<br \/>\nparticipating in decision-making and (iv) it<br \/>\nprovides a mechanism by which it would be<br \/>\npossible to establish a reasonable balance between<br \/>\nstability and social change.  All members of<br \/>\nsociety should be able to form their  own beliefs<br \/>\nand communicate them freely to others.  In sum,<br \/>\nthe fundamental principle involved here is the<br \/>\npeople&#8217;s right to know.  Freedom of speech and<br \/>\nexpression should, therefore, receive a generous<br \/>\nsupport from all those who believe in the<br \/>\nparticipation of people in the administration.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>Thus, the burden of import duty imposed on newsprint was held to be<br \/>\na restriction protected by Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIn Tata Press Ltd. vs. MTNL and Others [(1995) 5 SCC 139], it was<br \/>\nobserved :\n<\/p>\n<p>\t&#8220;In a democratic economy free flow of<br \/>\ncommercial information is indispensable.  There<br \/>\ncannot be honest and economical marketing by the<br \/>\npublic at large without being educated by the<br \/>\ninformation disseminated through advertisements.<br \/>\nThe economic system in a democracy would be<br \/>\nhandicapped without there being freedom of<br \/>\n&#8220;commercial speech&#8221;.\n<\/p>\n<p>Thus, commercial speech has been held to be part of freedom of<br \/>\nspeech and expression guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution<br \/>\nof India.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIn Bennett Coleman &amp; Co. vs. Union of India &amp; Ors. [(1972) 2 SCC<br \/>\n788] it was held :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;80. The faith of a citizen is that political wisdom<br \/>\nand virtue will sustain themselves in the free<br \/>\nmarket of ideas so long as the channels of<br \/>\ncommunication are left open. The faith in the<br \/>\npopular Government rests on the old dictum, &#8220;let<br \/>\nthe people have the truth and the freedom to<br \/>\ndiscuss it and all will go well.&#8221; The liberty of the<br \/>\npress remains an &#8220;Art of the Covenant&#8221; in every<br \/>\ndemocracy. Steel will yield products of steel.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tIt was further observed :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;97. Political philosophers and historians have<br \/>\ntaught us that intellectual advances made by our<br \/>\ncivilisation would have been impossible without<br \/>\nfreedom of speech and expression. At any rate,<br \/>\npolitical democracy is based on the assumption that<br \/>\nsuch freedom must be jealously guarded. Voltaire<br \/>\nexpressed a democrat&#8217;s faith when he told an<br \/>\nadversary in argument : &#8220;I do not agree with a word<br \/>\nyou say, but I will defend to the death your right to<br \/>\nsay it&#8221;. Champions of human freedom of thought<br \/>\nand expression, throughout the ages, have realised<br \/>\nthat intellectual paralysis creeps over a Society<br \/>\nwhich denies, is however subtle a form, due freedom<br \/>\nof thought and expression to its members.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/doc\/1762532\/\">In Gajanan Visheshwar Birjur vs. Union of India<\/a> [(1994) 5 SCC<br \/>\n550], this court held :\n<\/p>\n<p>10. Before parting with this case, we must express<br \/>\nour unhappiness with attempts at thought control<br \/>\nin a democratic society like ours. Human history is<br \/>\nwitness to the fact that all evolution and all<br \/>\nprogress is because of power of thought and that<br \/>\nevery attempt at thought control is doomed to<br \/>\nfailure. An idea can never be killed. Suppression<br \/>\ncan never be a successful permanent policy. Any<br \/>\nsurface serenity it creates is a false one. It will<br \/>\nerupt one day. Our Constitution permits a free<br \/>\ntrade, if we can use the expression, in ideas and<br \/>\nideologies. It guarantees freedom of thought and<br \/>\nexpression &#8211; the only limitation being a law in<br \/>\nterms of clause (2) of Article 19 of the<br \/>\nConstitution. Thought control is alien to our<br \/>\nconstitutional scheme. To the same effect are the<br \/>\nobservations of Robert Jackson, J. in American<br \/>\nCommunications Association v. Douds (339 US<br \/>\n382, 442-43 (1950) : 94 L Ed 925) with reference<br \/>\nto  the U.S. Constitution :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Thought control is a copyright of<br \/>\ntotalitarianism, and we have no claim to it. It is<br \/>\nnot the function of our Government to keep the<br \/>\ncitizen from falling into error; it is the function<br \/>\nof the citizen to keep the Government from<br \/>\nfalling into error. We could justify any<br \/>\ncensorship only when the censors are better<br \/>\nshielded against error than the censored.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/doc\/1288069\/\">In Hindustan Times and Others vs. State of U.P. and Another<\/a><br \/>\n[(2003) 1 SCC 591], this Court noticed as to how the right of its<br \/>\nshareholders  to have a free press is a fundamental right keeping in view the<br \/>\nfact that the newspapers serve as a medium of exercise of freedom of<br \/>\nspeech.  Referring to <a href=\"\/doc\/243002\/\">Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. vs. Union of India<\/a> [AIR 1962<br \/>\nSC 305], Tata Press Ltd. (supra) and Bennett Coleman (supra), it was held :<br \/>\n\t&#8220;It is neither in doubt nor in dispute that for<br \/>\nthe purpose of meeting the costs of the newsprint<br \/>\nas also for meeting other financial liabilities which<br \/>\nwould include the liability to pay wages,<br \/>\nallowances and gratuity etc to the working<br \/>\njournalists as also liability to pay a reasonable<br \/>\nprofit to the shareholders vis-`-vis making the<br \/>\nnewspapers available to the readers at a price at<br \/>\nwhich they can afford to purchase it, the<br \/>\npetitioners have no other option but to collect more<br \/>\nfunds by publishing commercial and other<br \/>\nadvertisements in the newspaper.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>This Court, thus, held that no tax can be levied on the newsprint for<br \/>\nthe purpose of granting wages, allowances and gratuity etc. to the working<br \/>\njournalists.\n<\/p>\n<p>  In this connection, it is useful to note the first amendment of the<br \/>\nConstitution of the United States of America in respect of Religion and Free<br \/>\nExpression :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Congress shall make no law respecting an<br \/>\nestablishment of religion, or prohibiting the<br \/>\nfree exercise thereof; or abridging the<br \/>\nfreedom of speech, or of the press; or the right<br \/>\nof the people peaceably to assemble, and to<br \/>\npetition the Government for a redress of<br \/>\ngrievances.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>The law of the United States of America not only recognize the right<br \/>\nto fly National flag but it has gone to the extent of holding that the flag<br \/>\nburning as an expression of free speech and free expression of its citizens<br \/>\nagainst the establishment but we do not approve later part of right.\n<\/p>\n<p>In Harold Omand Spence 41 L Ed 2d 842, it was held<br \/>\n&#8220;He displayed it as a flag of his country in a<br \/>\nway closely analogous to the manner in which<br \/>\nflags have always been   used to convey ideas.<br \/>\nMoreover, his message was direct, likely to be<br \/>\nunderstood, and within the contours of the First<br \/>\nAmendment.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>In Sidney Street v. State of New York, 22 L Ed 2d 572, it was held :<br \/>\n&#8220;we are unable to sustain a conviction that<br \/>\nmay have rested on a form of expression, however<br \/>\ndistasteful, which the Constitution tolerates and<br \/>\nprotects.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>In  Texas  v. Johnson, 105 L Ed 2d 345 at 345 it was held :<br \/>\n&#8220;But whether or not he could appreciate the<br \/>\nenormity of the offence he gave, the fact remains<br \/>\nthat his acts were speech, in both the technical and<br \/>\nthe fundamental meaning of the Constitution.  So I<br \/>\nagree with the Court that he must go free.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>In  US  v. Shawn D. Eichman, 110 L Ed 2d 287, it was held :<br \/>\n&#8220;Government may create national symbols,<br \/>\npromote them, and encourage their respectful<br \/>\ntreatment. But the Flag Protection Act of 1989<br \/>\ngoes well beyond this by criminally prescribing<br \/>\nexpressive conduct because of its likely<br \/>\ncommunicative impact.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tWe may, however, notice that in  Board of Educ. V. Barnette, 319<br \/>\nUS 624, it has been held :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Freedom to differ is not limited to<br \/>\nthings that do not matter much.  That would<br \/>\nbe a mere shadow of freedom. The test of its<br \/>\nsubstance is the right to differ as to things that<br \/>\ntouch the heart of the existing order.\n<\/p>\n<p>If there is any fixed star in our<br \/>\nconstitutional constellation, it is that no<br \/>\nofficial, high or petty, can prescribe what shall<br \/>\nbe orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion,<br \/>\nor other matters of opinion or force citizens to<br \/>\nconfess by word or act their faith therein. If<br \/>\nthere are any circumstances which permit an<br \/>\nexception, they do not now occur to us.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tHere it is necessary to notice the distinction between the Constitution<br \/>\nof India and that of United States of America and that is that in U.S.A. the<br \/>\nfirst amendment gives an absolute right to a citizen of religion and free<br \/>\nexpression, but under Constitution of India Article 19(1)(a) does not confer<br \/>\nsuch an absolute right of free speech and expression.  It only provides for a<br \/>\nqualified right.  Such a fundamental right of a citizen of speech and<br \/>\nexpression is subject to the regulatory measures contained in clause (2)<br \/>\nthereof.  So long as the expression is confined to nationalism, patriotism and<br \/>\nlove for motherland, the use of the National Flag by way of expression of<br \/>\nthose sentiments would be a fundamental right.  It cannot be used for<br \/>\ncommercial purpose or otherwise.\n<\/p>\n<p>Flag Code is not a statute; thereby the Fundamental Right under<br \/>\nArticle 19(1) (a) is not regulated. But the guidelines as laid down under the<br \/>\nFlag Code deserve to be followed to the extent it provides for preservation of<br \/>\ndignity and respect for the national flag. The right to fly the National Flag is<br \/>\nnot an absolute right. The freedom of expression for the purpose of giving a<br \/>\nfeeling of nationalism and for that purpose all that is required to be done is<br \/>\nthat the duty to respect the flag must be strictly obeyed. The pride of a<br \/>\nperson involved in flying the Flag is the pride to be an Indian and that, thus,<br \/>\nin all respects to it  must be shown.  The state may not tolerate even the<br \/>\nslightest disrespect.\n<\/p>\n<p>Last question which arises in this respect is whether the right to fly the<br \/>\nNational Flag is to be considered in the context of fundamental duties.\n<\/p>\n<p>Every right is coupled with a duty.  Part III of the Constitution of<br \/>\nIndia although confers rights, duties and regulations are inherent thereunder.<br \/>\nSuch reasonable regulations have been found to be contained in the<br \/>\nprovisions of Part III of the Constitution of India, apart from clauses 2 to 4<br \/>\nand 6 of Article 19 of the Constitution of India.<br \/>\n Thus, this right is subject to certain restrictions which can be read<br \/>\nfrom Chapter IV A.  Article 51A(c) reads as under:\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;(c) to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and<br \/>\nintegrity of India.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>The question as to whether Article 51-A is not justiciable or<br \/>\nenforceable thus takes a backseat.  <a href=\"\/doc\/1231613\/\">In Indian Handicraft  Emporium and<br \/>\nOthers vs. Union of India and Others<\/a>   [JT 2003 (7) SC 446], it was held :<br \/>\n&#8220;The provisions of the statute are also required to<br \/>\nbe considered keeping in view Article 48-A and<br \/>\nArticle 51A(g) of the Constitution of India which<br \/>\nare in the following terms:\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;48-A. Protection and improvement of<br \/>\nenvironment and safeguarding of forests and<br \/>\nwild life.&#8211; The State shall endeavour to protect<br \/>\nand improve the environment and to safeguard the<br \/>\nforests and wild life of the country.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;51-A. Fundamental duties. &#8212; It shall be the<br \/>\nduty of every citizen of India &#8212;\n<\/p>\n<p>\t&#8230;\t&#8230;\t&#8230;\t&#8230;\t&#8230;\t&#8230;\t&#8230;\n<\/p>\n<p>(g)\tto protect and improve the natural environment<br \/>\nincluding forests, lakes, rivers and wild life, and<br \/>\nto have compassion for living creatures;&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p> \t\tWe cannot shut our eyes to the<br \/>\nstatements made in Article 48-A of the<br \/>\nConstitution of India which enjoins upon the State<br \/>\nto protect and improve the environment and to<br \/>\nsafeguard the forests and wild life of the country.<br \/>\nWhat is destructive of environment, forest and<br \/>\nwild life, thus, being contrary to the Directive<br \/>\nPrinciples of the State Policy which is fundamental<br \/>\nin the governance of the country must be given its<br \/>\nfull effect.  Similarly, the principles of Chapter<br \/>\nIVA must also be given its full effect.  Clause (g)<br \/>\nof Article 51A requires every citizen to protect and<br \/>\nimprove the natural environment including forests,<br \/>\nlakes, rivers and wild life and to have compassion<br \/>\nfor living creatures.  The amendments have to be<br \/>\ncarried out keeping in view the aforementioned<br \/>\nprovisions.\n<\/p>\n<p>The recent amendments made in the Flag Code by the Union of India<br \/>\nand the stand taken by the learned Solicitor General that the Central<br \/>\nGovernment is not against the flying of the Flag by an individual is itself<br \/>\nindicative of the fact that a liberal construction so far as Article 19(1) (a) is<br \/>\nconcerned may be adopted. The extreme proposition of law taken in the<br \/>\nAmerican decisions that burning of the flag is  an expression of anger cannot<br \/>\nbe accepted in India as it would amount to disrespect of the National Flag.\n<\/p>\n<p>This Court in S. Rangarajan etc. vs. P. Jagjivan Ram and Others<br \/>\n[(1989) 2 SCC 574], laid down the law in the following terms :\n<\/p>\n<p>    &#8220;We are amused yet troubled by the stand taken by the<br \/>\nState Government with regard to the film which has<br \/>\nreceived the National Award. We want to put the<br \/>\nanguished question, what good is the protection of<br \/>\nfreedom of expression if the State does not take care to<br \/>\nprotect it?  If the film is unobjectionable and cannot<br \/>\nconstitutionally be restricted under Article 19(2),<br \/>\nfreedom of expression cannot be suppressed on account<br \/>\nof threat of demonstration and processions or threats of<br \/>\nviolence. That would tantamount to negation of the rule<br \/>\nof law and a surrender to blackmail and intimidation.  It<br \/>\nis the duty of the State to protect the freedom of<br \/>\nexpression since it is a liberty guaranteed against the<br \/>\nState.  The State cannot plead its inability to handle the<br \/>\nhostile audience problem. It is its obligatory duty to<br \/>\nprevent it and protect the freedom of expression.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/doc\/132638443\/\">In Ranganath Misra vs. Union of India and Others<\/a> [(2003) 7 SCC<br \/>\n133], this Court referred to the recommendations of Justice Verma<br \/>\nCommittee, which has been taken note by the National Commission to<br \/>\nReview the Working of the Constitution, which are as under :<br \/>\n&#8220;Duties are observed by individuals as a result of<br \/>\ndictates of the social system and the environment<br \/>\nin which one lives, under the influence of role<br \/>\nmodels, or on account of punitive provisions of<br \/>\nlaw.  It may be necessary to enact suitable<br \/>\nlegislation wherever necessary to require<br \/>\nobedience of obligations by the citizens.  If the<br \/>\nexisting laws are inadequate to enforce the needed<br \/>\ndiscipline, the legislative vacuum needs to be<br \/>\nfilled.  If legislation and judicial directions are<br \/>\navailable and still there are violations of<br \/>\nfundamental duties by the citizens, this would call<br \/>\nfor other strategies for making them operational.<br \/>\n\tThe desired enforceability can be better<br \/>\nachieved by providing not merely for legal<br \/>\nsanctions but also combining it with social<br \/>\nsanctions and to facilitate the performance of the<br \/>\ntask through exemplar, role models.  The element<br \/>\nof compulsion in legal sanction when combined<br \/>\nwith the natural urge for obedience of the norms to<br \/>\nattract social approbation would make the citizens<br \/>\nwilling participants in the exercise.  The real  task,<br \/>\ntherefore, is to devise methods which are a<br \/>\ncombination of these aspects to ensure a ready<br \/>\nacceptance of the programme by the general<br \/>\ncitizenry and the youth, in particular.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThe Committee is strongly of the view that<br \/>\nthe significance of dignity of the individual in all<br \/>\nits facets and objective of overall development of<br \/>\nthe personality of the individual must be<br \/>\nemphasized in the curriculum at all the stages of<br \/>\neducation.  This requires consciousness of<br \/>\ncitizenship values which are a combination of<br \/>\nrights and duties, and together give rise to social<br \/>\nresponsibilities. Methods must be devised to<br \/>\noperationalize this concept as a constitutional<br \/>\nvalue in our educational curriculum and in co-<br \/>\ncurricular activities, in schools and colleges.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThis Court directed that the recommendations of the said Committee<br \/>\nshould be considered by the Central Government in the right earnest and to<br \/>\ntake appropriate steps for the implementation thereof.<br \/>\n\tThe right to fly the National Flag is a fundamental right but subject to<br \/>\nrestrictions. The right is not unfettered,  unsubscribed, unrestricted  and<br \/>\nunchannelled one.  Even assertion of the right to respectfully fly the flag vis-<br \/>\na-vis the mere right to fly the flag is regulated and controlled by two<br \/>\nsignificant parliamentary enactments, namely, the Emblems and Names<br \/>\n(Prevention of Improper Use) Act, 1950 and the Prevention of Insults to<br \/>\nNational Honour Act, 1971.\n<\/p>\n<p>\tThe courts jealously protects the honour of the National Flag as would<br \/>\nbe noticed from a decision of a Division Bench of the Andhra Pradesh Court<br \/>\nof which one of us, Sinha, J. was a party, in A. Satya Phaneendra vs. S.H.O.<br \/>\nKodad (PS) Nalgonda and Others [2001 (2) ALT 141], wherein considering<br \/>\na letter enclosing therewith a tri-coloured cloth resembling the National Flag<br \/>\nwhich was sold as handkerchief,  the court referring to the provisions of the<br \/>\nsaid Acts held and directed :\n<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;9. The aforementioned provisions, having regard<br \/>\nto the purpose and object thereof, must be given<br \/>\nstrict construction.  They also must be construed in<br \/>\nthe context of Article 51-A of the Constitution of<br \/>\nIndia.\n<\/p>\n<p>10.\tThe provisions of the aforementioned Acts<br \/>\nand the Flag Code of India clearly state the reasons<br \/>\nas to why the same had to be enacted by the<br \/>\nParliament inasmuch as it is expected of every<br \/>\ncitizen of India to pay respect to the National Flag,<br \/>\nNational Anthem and the Constitution of India<br \/>\nthey deserve and any case involving deliberate<br \/>\ndisrespect thereto must be seriously dealt with&#8230;&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>11.\tThe appropriate authorities including the<br \/>\nCollector of Nalgonda District and the<br \/>\nSuperintendent of Police, Nalgonda should have<br \/>\ntaken all steps to prevent the misuse of the Indian<br \/>\nNational Flag.\n<\/p>\n<p>12.\tThey evidently have failed to perform their<br \/>\nstatutory duties.\n<\/p>\n<p>13.\tHaving regard to the fact that it has been<br \/>\nstated in the letter dated 15.12.2000 that the writer<br \/>\nthereof is not aware of the name(s) of the person(s)<br \/>\nmanufacturing the same, we direct the State and in<br \/>\nparticular the District Collector and the<br \/>\nSuperintendent of Police, Nalgonda District to take<br \/>\nsteps to conduct investigation with regard to the<br \/>\nmisuse of the National Flag and see to it that the<br \/>\noffenders are brought to book.  Let a copy of this<br \/>\norder be sent to the Chief Secretary to the<br \/>\nGovernment of Andhra Pradesh so that necessary<br \/>\ndirections to all concerned may be issued so as to<br \/>\nprevent such misuse of the Indian National Flag.<br \/>\nAccordingly, we dispose of this writ petition. No<br \/>\ncosts.&#8221;\n<\/p>\n<p>\tWe, however, hope and trust that the Parliament, keeping in view the<br \/>\nimportance of the question involved in this matter, shall make a suitable<br \/>\nenactment for the aforementioned purpose.<br \/>\nFor the aforesaid reason, we hold that- (i) Right to fly the National<br \/>\nFlag freely with respect and dignity is a fundamental right of a citizen within<br \/>\nthe meaning of Article 19(1) (a) of the Constitution of India being an<br \/>\nexpression and manifestation of his allegiance and feelings and sentiments<br \/>\nof pride for the nation; (ii) The fundamental right to fly National Flag is not<br \/>\nan absolute right  but a qualified one being subject to reasonable restrictions<br \/>\nunder clause 2 of Article 19 of the Constitution of India; (iii) The Emblems<br \/>\nand Names (Prevention of Improper Use) Act, 1950 and the Prevention of<br \/>\nInsults to National Honour Act, 1971 regulate the use of the National Flag ;\n<\/p>\n<p>(iv) Flag Code although is not a law within the meaning of Article 13(3)(a)<br \/>\nof the Constitution of India for the purpose of clause (2) of Article 19<br \/>\nthereof, it would not restrictively regulate the free exercise of the right of<br \/>\nflying the national flag.  However, the Flag Code to the extent it provides for<br \/>\npreserving respect and dignity of the National Flag, the same deserves to be<br \/>\nfollowed. (v) For the purpose of interpretation of the constitutional scheme<br \/>\nand for the purpose of maintaining a balance between the fundamental\/legal<br \/>\nrights of a citizen vis-`-vis, the regulatory measures\/restrictions, both Parts<br \/>\nIV and IVA of the Constitution of India can be taken recourse to.<br \/>\n\tFor the reasons aforementioned, we do not find any merit in this<br \/>\nappeal which is accordingly dismissed.  But in the facts and circumstances<br \/>\nof this case, there shall be no order as to costs.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Supreme Court of India Union Of India vs Naveen Jindal &amp; Anr on 23 January, 2004 Author: V K I. Bench: Cji, Brijesh Kumar, S.B. Sinha CASE NO.: Appeal (civil) 2920 of 1996 PETITIONER: Union of India RESPONDENT: Naveen Jindal &amp; Anr. DATE OF JUDGMENT: 23\/01\/2004 BENCH: CJI, Brijesh Kumar &amp; S.B. Sinha JUDGMENT: J [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[30],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-23224","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-supreme-court-of-india"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Union Of India vs Naveen Jindal &amp; Anr on 23 January, 2004 - Free Judgements of Supreme Court &amp; High Court | Legal India<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.legalindia.com\/judgments\/union-of-india-vs-naveen-jindal-anr-on-23-january-2004\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Union Of India vs Naveen Jindal &amp; 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